Following the Liberal Party’s decisive defeat in the 2026 South Australian state election, I wanted to put pen to paper to share ideas on how nationalist and patriotic activists can seize this generational opportunity to replace the Liberal Party of Australia with a political vehicle better positioned to advance nationalist politics in the country.
Nationalists have long recognised that a strong and entrenched Liberal Party is the greatest barrier to advancing our politics in Australia. The reason is straightforward. The party is influenced by corporate and business interests, as well as foreign ethnic lobbies, through membership, voting blocs, and funding, all of which have a vested interest in maintaining the mass immigration status quo.
Yet many voters, misled or uninformed, perceive the party as patriotic and tough on immigration, viewing it as the credible right-wing option to push back against these issues, even though the party has no real intention of doing so. Over time, this has allowed the Liberal Party to absorb much of the nationalist and anti-immigration vote, effectively neutralising the movement’s influence.
However, today, the Liberal Party no longer even pretends it will reduce third-world immigration or stand up for Australia, creating a once-in-a-generation opportunity for alternatives such as One Nation. The party is currently polling at a higher nationwide primary vote than the Liberals, and the recent result in the South Australian state election demonstrates its ability to convert this support into tangible electoral success. One Nation secured a significantly higher statewide primary vote than the Liberals, won multiple lower house seats, and reduced the Liberal parliamentary team to a shadow of its former self. Remarkably, it may have even won more seats than the Liberals in the upper house.
Nationalist activists must seize this opportunity to decisively dismantle the Liberal Party, and I want to outline how we can focus our efforts most effectively to achieve that goal.
For context, I am a former party member and political staffer for Liberal Party politicians, giving me a deep understanding of the internal landscape. This article is submitted under an alias, though some party members may be able to hazard a guess at my true identity.
First, it’s important to understand that the Liberal Party is dominated by two main factions. The Left, or Moderates, and the National Right, or Conservatives. There is a smaller Centre-Right faction, but for all practical purposes, it functions as an extension of the Moderates, sharing similar ideology, behaviour, and influence. For simplicity, I will refer only to the two primary factions going forward.
The Moderate faction ideologically adheres to small‑l liberalism. It attracts relatively high-IQ individuals aiming for or currently in successful white-collar careers, but often carrying personal vices such as hedonism, drug use, and homosexuality. More than ideology, they are motivated by the networks, connections, and access to wealthy figures, MPs, ministers, and government departments that the Liberal Party can offer to advance their wealth and social status.
The Conservative faction is far more ideological. It is a somewhat diverse coalition of traditional Catholics, hardcore free-marketers and libertarians, climate-change sceptics, and a handful of common sense patriots and nationalists. They are bound together less by a single, cohesive worldview than by the fact that the Left faction offers them nothing or very little on the issues they care about. Networking and career advancement remain factors tying them to the party, but ideology is the primary driver of their involvement. This is the party’s base or true-believer wing – the members who fondly reference the oft-cited We Believe statement and insist the party must return to its roots.
Weakening the party requires a two-pronged strategy aimed at undermining both factions as effectively as possible.
The Moderate faction is most vulnerable to the consequences of electoral defeat. Being out of government federally and in most states has reduced lobbyist contributions, dried up jobs for the boys in ministerial offices and lobbying firms, and cut off government access for party-aligned businessmen. The last federal election and NSW state election left the Liberals with a much reduced parliamentary team, and saw the loss of several former blue-ribbon state seats to teal independents. This has already significantly reduced the number of taxpayer funded electorate office staffer positions available to give to party operatives in exchange for their efforts with branch membership growth and campaign work. As a result, political and organisational activity from both the Young Liberals (controlled by Moderates) and senior moderate branches has noticeably declined.
To further exploit this weakness, nationalist and patriotic voters should place the Liberal Party dead last on their ballots, even below Labor and the Greens. While it may sting to do so, this tactical voting is necessary to maximise the damage as otherwise preference flow will carry them over the line in many seats. At a minimum, the White Australia Party (if registered), the NSW Libertarian Party, and One Nation should be ranked above the Liberals. As the party’s parliamentary numbers and influence continue to shrink, the incentives for careerists to join and support the Liberals diminish in a self-reinforcing cycle.
To weaken the Conservative faction, their members must be repeatedly reminded of the party’s repeated betrayals of White Australians’ interests and shown that a viable, winning alternative exists, whether that is One Nation, the White Australia Party, or otherwise. The Liberal Party has done little to endear itself to its conservative base in recent history. It has failed to curb mass immigration and the demographic replacement of White Australians, helped pass hate speech and prohibited organisation laws at both state and federal levels, waved through social media restrictions, and established the widely reviled eSafety Commissioner, among other actions.
Unfortunately, many conservative members are lifelong die-hard members and boomers, and they often suffer from a severe case of Stockholm syndrome, clinging to the belief that they can reform the party if they just try hard enough. This is despite decades of yielding little movement on this front except for within the South Australian division. The faction is also not without its own flaws as many members naively believe in a harmonious multi-racial society where anyone can become Australian if they adopt the right values, and too often display fervent, uncritical support for the Jewish lobby and Israel. Despite these issues, conservative members of the Liberal Party can be coaxed away from the party, ceasing their support and thereby advancing nationalist aims, even if we do not agree with them on every issue.
As the Liberal Party continues to rot and collapse, it is absolutely critical that ascendant nationalist parties do not allow every opportunistic turncoat to waltz in unchecked. Only the truly loyal and ideologically committed should be welcomed. Many are political refuse, ready to drag things backwards by reintroducing the same cowardly and careerist politics that corrupted the Liberal Party. If these self-serving parasites are allowed to infiltrate, they will turn the new vehicle into a hollow shadow of the movement it could be, just as we’ve seen with defectors from the UK Conservative Party to Reform UK.
In conclusion, nationalist activists must continue to spread the message and strike the Liberal Party hard while it is vulnerable. With a state election in Victoria at the end of this year and one in New South Wales early next year, the opportunity to inflict maximum damage is clear. Stay focused, stay relentless, and ensure that this corrupt, self-serving party is consigned to the irrelevance it has long earned.
Header image: The Victorian Liberal party marching in a homosexual parade last month (Facebook).
The post How to hit the Liberal Party where it hurts first appeared on The Noticer.
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