‘Modern Australia’ and the death of liberal democracy

Much has been written about the Bondi Massacre so far, but few have conducted a serious analysis of the deeper implications. This is unfortunate, as the pressure that the crisis placed on Australia’s establishment and its response reveals a number of interesting insights about Australia’s real power structure, how it operates and the shifts that are taking place within it. The Bondi Massacre is certainly of historical significance, but not in a way the establishment would care to acknowledge.

Liberal democracy dies, nobody seems to care

The most significant change that has occurred after the massacre is the system’s final break with liberal democracy.

Australia is now governed by a post-liberal order that was best described by imprisoned Australian political dissident Joel Davis as Police State Multiculturalism. The foundation of legitimacy for liberal democratic states are the concepts of individual rights, rule of law and a government that is held accountable to the population via democratic elections. The foundational principal of Police State Multiculturalism is “social cohesion”, which overrides liberalism and only acknowledges it when liberal concepts can be used to justify its own priorities.

Social cohesion is a remarkably flexible and vague concept that official government websites equate to concepts like “inclusive national identity”, “a diverse society” and being a “nation of migrants” that is still “a unified and harmonious nation”. In practice social cohesion means a kind of radical civic nationalism forced at gunpoint on the population. It signals a kind of internalised imperialism in which the state is no longer the expression of a people, but their master and creator. To be an Australian is no longer to be part of a shared community of blood, language and culture, but is a privilege conferred by the state. Anyone on the planet can be an Australian, as long as they have a piece of paper issued by the Australian Government. Australians are denied any say in who becomes a part of their community, as to reject the power of the state to magically turn foreigners into Australians is “racist discrimination”.

This naturally creates an absurd situation for a liberal democratic system. Voters no longer elect the government, but the government elects the voters. Citizens have the theoretical right to political communication, but are regularly thrown into prison for actually exercising it. The law applies equally to all, but some groups are given extra legal protections denied to the majority. Thus while we still have the formal institutions and language of liberalism, they are only ever used for illiberal ends.

All of this may seem to be very theoretical, but the aftermath of the Bondi Massacre has furnished many real world examples. Within days of the massacre, NSW Premier Chris Minns rammed through laws allowing the government to prohibit protests for up to three months after a terrorist attack (which were immediately used), while the Federal Government pledged to create a mechanism for banning political organisations that engage in speech that the Attorney-General and Home Affairs Minister dislike, the creation of new offences for “racial vilification” and “promoting racial supremacy”, prohibiting the importation of “extremist material or hate symbols” and making “hate” a factor in sentencing people for “online threats and harassment”.

The sacred liberal rights of freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of political association were thrown away without so much as a mention by the Premier and Prime Minister. Nor was it explained how any of these measures would have prevented the Bondi Massacre. Under Police State Multiculturalism social cohesion must be achieved at any cost, and any expansion of state power into society is seen as a good in itself.

The takeaway is that liberalism is dead and gone, and the future direction of Australia will be decided between differing conceptions of post-liberalism – one an ideology of unlimited state power holding together a multicultural powder keg with brute force, and the other an ethnonationalist vision in which Australians live as a free, sovereign people with a representative government and a homeland of their own. There can be no way back to the old Australia, no matter how much conservatives and libertarians may want there to be, because that country no longer exists. All that remains is a façade of what our ancestors built – the structure rotted away long ago.

The (anti)White Terror

No discussion of Police State Multiculturalism would be complete without looking at the dynamics of how multiculturalism works in practice, and this too has been impacted dramatically by the Bondi Massacre.

Multiculturalism in Australia has always been underpinned by an antiwhite dynamic. The only way to create a degree of harmony among the otherwise mutually hostile ethnic groups that have been imported into the country is to present them as the shared victims of White Australian racism and discrimination. At the same time, the right of White Australians to their own territory is delegitimised by the state-backed narrative that the land was “stolen” from the aboriginals, while the right of White Australians to organise politically along ethnic lines like every other people is demonised as “Fascism” and “Neo-Nazism”.

The end result of this manufactured dynamic is that endless amounts of taxpayer money are funnelled into ethnic “community groups” and leftist NGOs to create an astroturfed political coalition hostile to Australian ethnonationalism, and a permanent security and “human rights” bureaucracy to suppress nationalist political organising.

This has been in place ever since the introduction of state-enforced multiculturalism and mass immigration during the 1970s, and is nothing new. What has changed since Bondi is that this narrative that Whites are the sole reason for multiculturalism’s failures has taken on a life of its own and become a form of institutional paranoia directed exclusively against the White Australian population.

Despite the terrorist attack being perpetrated by a Muslim immigrant and his son, there have been no media reports of any police action being taken against Australia’s sizeable population of ISIS sympathisers, many of whom are individuals well known to both the media and authorities. Instead, we have been treated to the surreal spectacle of the government hunting down and imprisoning an endless series of White Australians for thought crime.

Some of the example would be laughable, if the consequences were not so serious – one NSW man was arrested and refused bail for painting “Nazi symbols” on his boat, while another was charged for a having a leg tattoo that a leftist took exception to while at the beach. Indeed, the closest police have gotten to investigating Islamic Extremism was when they arrested a Perth man for walking outside a mosque while wearing a “necklace containing a Nazi symbol”.

The legislative changes that the government has promised in response to the massacre seem to share this obsessive focus on policing the thoughts of White Australians. Prime Minister Albanese admitted as much during a series of media interviews the day following the Islamist attack, in which he continually attempted to shift the topic of discussion from ISIS to “right-wing extremism”. The fact that nationalist activist group National Socialist Network was explicitly mentioned as being the intended target of the law banning groups for engaging in political speech is further evidence of this institutional paranoia, as it has absolutely nothing to do with radical Islam, the Bondi Massacre or terrorism in general.

Ironically, this fixation on suppressing White Australians with dissident political views appears to be the direct cause of the attack itself. During the same month that the two Islamist killers conducted firearms training with their legally acquired weapons in country NSW, police in WA were raiding the properties of law-abiding firearms owners deemed by the state to have “sovereign citizen” political views. Apparently being a non-citizen living in the same household as someone who had associated with known members of Islamic State wasn’t a reason to be barred from gun ownership but having eccentric views on English Common Law is.

The authorities apparently also paid no to attention to a known Islamist extremist travelling to Mindanao, a long-time hub of Islamic militancy. Yet, as I can personally attest, if you’re a White Australian with dissident political views the government views your international travel as a free opportunity to search your electronic devices and personal effects without a warrant and ask blatantly political questions.

Could the attack have been averted if the authorities had cracked down on Islamists holding legally acquired firearms, and searched the bags and phones of the Bondi killers? We may never know, but it’s hard to imagine that Australia’s counter-terrorism efforts haven’t been impacted by the enormous diversion of personnel and resources away from preventing actual terrorism and into policing the political opinions of White Australians. Such is the price you pay when counter-terrorism services are misused for political ends, and the regime’s political security becomes more important than protecting the lives of citizens. Unfortunately, Australians are going to have to come to terms with living under a system that cares more about your political beliefs than it does about stopping foreign religious fanatics from murdering you.

Arresting their way to utopia

The establishment of a post-liberal regime in Australia and its increasingly violent response to Australians peacefully asserting their national rights does not bode well for the future of this country. We are increasingly viewed by the state not as citizens with legitimate interests, but in the same way in which an occupying power views an enemy population. However, it is far from certain that embracing post-liberal conceptions of government will be enough to save the multicultural experiment from itself.

History is replete with examples of multinational and multicultural states that have relied on force to maintain their unity, and few of them have succeeded for long. Austria-Hungary, the Ottoman Empire, the Soviet Union, and Yugoslavia were much more powerful states than present day Australia, run by far more intelligent and perceptive people than the dregs of the middle class that comprise our leadership. Yet even those mighty empires failed to keep their constituent nations captive against their will.

Throwing liberal democracy overboard might buy the system time, but it will do nothing to resolve the underlying problems inherent in multiculturalism.

The clock is already ticking down for “modern Australia”, and throwing more people in prison isn’t going to save it.

Header image: Immigration Minister Tony Burke, AFP Commissioner Krissy Barrett, and Prime Minister Anthony Albanese at AFP headquarters in Canberra after the Bondi massacre (AFP)

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