Belfast anti-immigration riots show that Europeans have had enough

Shortly before the Belfast anti-immigration riots yesterday evening, there was a German opinion piece in Welt newspaper about the deadly stabbing attack that proved remarkably prophetic. The piece outlined how the British are increasingly living in a state that appears unable to protect its citizens from the horrors of mass immigration, creating an existential crisis for the ruling class.

Just hours after the Welt piece was published, Belfast would break out into a full-blown riot, with the homes of migrants being targeted in arson attacks and cars. It is a part of Ireland that has dealt with riots and sectarian violence for decades.

The op-ed by Henry Donovan addresses the Sudanese migrant nearly cutting off a Scottish man’s head, who has been identified in other news reports as Stephen Ogilvie, a vulnerable 40-year-old man living in social housing. In the piece, entitled “How much longer? The question Britons are asking themselves is existential,” Donovan argues that a succession of horrific violent crimes has pushed the British public past a purely political debate, driving them into a crisis concerning the state’s very ability to protect its people.

Donovan outlines how the police are nowhere to be seen, and it is in fact locals who have to beat the Sudanese attacker.

“A Briton lies on the pavement, a Sudanese man hacks at him with a knife. The police are not there. Instead, it is neighbors who stop the attacker – one with a typical Irish hurling bat,” he writes.

According to Donovan, the sheer brutality of the incident left bystanders screaming, He is trying to cut off his head.” The assailant is in his thirties, held a five-year visa, repeatedly struck a victim, causing severe injuries to his face, neck, and back. For Donovan, the fact that citizens had to defend themselves before authorities arrived serves as a stark indictment of the state: “The police arrived later. First came the neighbors.”

The op-ed emphasizes that the Belfast incident is not isolated, but rather part of a cumulative psychological breaking point for the country. Donovan contextualizes the public’s outrage by connecting it directly to previous tragedies: “What is happening right now is more than a cluster of violent acts. It is the gradual dismantling of a fundamental assumption: that the state protects its citizens, that rules are enforced, that failure has tangible consequences.” 

He points to a rapid succession of high-profile cases that have seared themselves into the British collective consciousness: “Southport, where three little girls were stabbed to death. Then Nowak. Now Belfast.” 

However, there have been many more events in Britain over the years, including the attempted beheading of Lee Rigby, the Manchester Arena bombing, and the mass rape of tens of thousands of British girls by Pakistani gangs. Together, these many events have shifted public sentiment from standard political frustration to something much deeper.

Donovan wrote that the question being asked across the country “is no longer political, but almost existential: How much longer?”

The Welt writer also pans Prime Minister Keir Starmer and the predictable rhetoric of the political establishment, the same type of rhetoric the West has seen after countless murders, rapes, and terror attacks. Donovan points to this repetitive cycle of government public relations:

“Public anger is not difficult to understand. It is not directed abstractly against immigration, but quite specifically against a political class that performs the same choreography in every such case: horror, reassurance, silence.”

Following the Belfast attack, Prime Minister Starmer released a statement on X expressing that he was horrified and maintained “absolutely no tolerance.” However, these remarks have become mere empty platitudes: These are – almost literally – the same words as after the verdict in the Nowak case. Starmer convicted. Starmer reassures. Starmer has no answers.” 

It is remarkable that this sentiment is being shared in arguably the most popular newspaper in Germany about a country across the Channel, but the reality is that this sentiment is remarkably uniform and growing across the entire West.

Donovan further argues that the government has failed to provide meaningful explanations regarding immigration policies or how a visa holder could commit such an act on a public street. When the police chief reflexively appealed to the public not to be weaponized by “far-right elements,” Donovan observes that it functioned primarily as “an admission that one has nothing to answer the actual questions.”

Ultimately, the op-ed concludes that the British population is tired of formulas of condemnation. Pointing back to the citizens who disarmed the Belfast attacker, Donovan warns: “Eventually, the public will stop asking what he has to say about it – and start asking what he can do about it. In Belfast, the residents have already taken matters into their own hands. With a hurling bat.”

Just hours later, these residents would go even further. Masked groups blockaded streets, clashed with police cordons, and engaged in widespread arson, which included vandalizing vehicles, torching a public transit bus, and setting fire to a Middle Eastern supermarket alongside local properties.

This is the sign of a U.K. government that is unable to contain the growing anger of the British public. Northern Ireland’s Justice Minister, Naomi Long, condemned the violence, stating that bad-faith actors were actively weaponizing the community’s genuine anger and hurt to stir dangerous civil unrest. While this statement is expected, it provides no fundamental solution to the problem these residents are rioting over. If there is “genuine anger,” then again, what is the solution the state is offering?

However, these riots in Belfast are counter-productive to the end goal of those participating in it. The goal may be remigration but does this type of violence further it? The reality is that while rioting may be celebrated and honored by the Western political class when it is for racially-charged cases involving Black individuals like George Floyd, when White males riot, they are met with the full force of the state and a crackdown on speech and political organizing. While Floyd’s death was met with national reforms, kneeling from FBI agents and British police alike, and hundreds of millions in DEI initiatives from Fortune 500 companies, any grievances by White people are ignored, vilified, and met with even further repression.

Donovan’s text in Welt is remarkably apt: “Keir Starmer knelt after the death of George Floyd. After Nowak, he remained silent for too long.”

White people are ultimately left in a situation where they must endure rising migrant crime and all the associated ills of mass immigration silently. If they protest, they are ignored. If they form political parties, they are demonized, lose their jobs, and hunted by activist journalists. If they are violent, they are met with the full force of the law. It is quite untenable, but it is very much the status quo.

While the rioting in Belfast is the inevitable outcome of the government’s ant-White, pro-immigration policies, one should not expect the state to change course even an iota. Whether it is the Tory conservatives or the Labour leftists, the rotating ruling class will instead continue to double down on mass immigration until White people are a minority in Britain, just as they are fast approaching a minority in the United States. In fact, it is the same policy of almost every single Western nation.

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