Mass immigration for Poland? It won’t be as easy as Paris, Berlin and London

The events of recent weeks have shown that introducing mass immigration to Poland will not be easy. This reality represents a serious problem for the left-liberals and open-borders crowd that dominate Europe. There appears to be no easy solution for the left.

Poland has long been one of the most homogenous nations in all of Europe, featuring over 95 percent of the population identifying as ethnic Polish. Now, the EU wants that to change. They want Poland to become multicultural and embrace mass immigration.

The only problem?

Poland is filled with Poles.

They are known as a “stubborn” people. On top of that, years of chaos in Western Europe due to mass immigration is not exactly a secret news item. Poles apparently do not want all that in their own country, even many Poles who vote for the left.

Immigration is currently dominating the headlines in Poland. A recent series of murders, along with the growing border crisis with Germany, have driven Poles into the streets and to the borders in the form of the Border Protection Movement.

The danger for the Polish ruling establishment is acute, and there is no doubt much plotting afoot in Brussels about how to deal with this issue. Poles somehow did not get the memo about the wonders of cultural diversity that have led to record-low crime rates in Western Europe, booming economies, budget surpluses, and full employment among migrants in countries like Germany and France.

Donald Tusk’s government in Poland is walking a tight rope, and Tusk’s political rivals smell blood on the issue of immigration. Starting yesterday, he implemented border checks for 30 days with Germany, seen as a measure to stymie the growth of the citizen-organized Border Movement, which has greatly embarrassed his government and raised questions about the functioning of the Polish state.

Tusk has responded to this loss of control by calling the border protection groups “militias” run by his right-wing rivals in Law and Justice (PiS) and Confederation. Meanwhile, Tusk’s interior ministry has begun issuing dozens of tickets against these grassroots defenders.

The border crisis with Germany for the Polish government accelerated shortly after the victory of the conservative candidate, Karol Nawrocki, at the beginning of June, which itself raised an existential crisis for the government.

Since then, two notable murders occurred. First, the 24-year-old PhD student, Klaudia K. was killed by a Venezuelan after being raped and stabbed 12 times in her head, neck and chest while she fought for her life. Protests broke out over that murder, but then the German border crisis accelerated at the same time.

Then, during a fight over the weekend, a Colombian migrant stabbed a 41-year-old Pole to death in Świecie County. The residents of the town are furious and protests have already broken out. During the stabbing attack, 10 people were detained, including five Colombians. Why are there so many Colombians in a small Polish town? Residents of the Polish town would also like to know.

In response, former Polish Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki wrote on X: “Poles deserve safety. The only acceptable policy towards such cases is a policy of zero tolerance.”

On X, Maciej Naskręt wrote: “A march of angry residents in connection with the tragedy has just taken place through the streets of Nowy. They want order from the authorities in the country.”

Even Tusk’s move to restore temporary border controls is being questioned, and it may do little to restore faith in the government.

“Decisions regarding the ban on drone flights near the border, the establishment of a ban on photographing border crossings, and aggressive rhetoric toward Poles monitoring the situation at the border unfortunately form a coherent whole,” wrote Confederation leader Krzysztof Bosak on X.

“The government does not want to fight against German abuses, but against Poles concerned about the situation. This is an unwise decision—no one has yet won against the grassroots mobilization of Poles. Enforcing these decisions will escalate social conflict and strengthen suspicions that the government is quietly capitulating to German pressures and abuses. And what is happening at the border ultimately cannot be hidden anyway,” he wrote.

The leaky border with Germany, combined with migrant murders, is a problem that is not going away for the government. Under the EU’s migration pact, Poland is expected to receive tens of thousands of migrants every year, with the EU building 49 integration centers across the country for this purpose.

However, this likely cannot happen without Tusk and his government collapsing. This reality is creating a serious conundrum for not only Tusk, but those in the EU who want to ensure conservatives stay out of power in Poland — especially conservatives like those represented in the Confederation.

Poles do not seem to be backing down either. Many of these groups are showing up near the border and filming promotional videos, and unlike Western Europeans, a large segment of the Polish public seems to be receptive to this “muscular” approach to the border crisis.

While many migrant crimes have become run-of-the-mill occurrences in countries like Germany, Sweden, and France, they certainly are not in Poland. A large part of the Western European public is desensitized to the brutality. Due to ideological reasons, many Western Europeans cannot process these events, so they either ignore them or incorporate them into their preferred narrative.

However, it is also fair to say that a majority of the populations of the West are no longer on board for mass immigration. Polling from Germany and France, for instance, shows a majority against it. Even a majority of women in France, 53 percent, want zero migration to the country — that means a complete and total halt to immigration. Nevertheless, this reality has not translated into the right winning elections.

In many of these countries, the migrant communities are so large, like in France, that they now represent a powerful voting bloc that can counter growing anti-immigration sentiment. This does not apply to Poland though. A large foreign voting bloc does not yet exist in Poland, which means the left-wing parties have nobody to turn to if anti-immigration sentiment rises even further in the country.

Many have argued that the Eastern European countries are intrinsically more conservative due to their Slavic culture. However, when it comes to immigration, this theory has not been truly put to the test. Few foreigners speak Polish or Hungarian, which means fewer want to enter these countries. Many simply pass through Poland on their way to Germany. Those Eastern countries have always been poorer than Sweden and Germany, making them less attractive.

In other words, Poland has never truly been put to the test — until now.

Nothing is set in stone. Protests may peter out, Poles may shift their attention to other issues, and immigration may develop in Poland just as it has in the West.

However, that is probably the losing bet.

The Polish left will likely find that using the same immigration template in Poland as seen in the West is not going to work. The angry response of Poles so far shows they do not appear eager to follow the same path as the West. The Polish left may soon find itself in the opposition once again if it cannot find its way out of this mess.

As of this moment, more anti-immigration protests are planned, and the Polish conservative opposition is unlikely to let the issue drop anytime between now and the next national elections.

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